The 2003 Casablanca bombings, commonly known as May 16 (Arabic: 16 ماي, French: 16 mai), were a series of coordinated suicide bombings on May 16, 2003, in Casablanca, Morocco. Twelve suicide bombers loyal to the Salafia Jihadia organization detonated bombs hidden in backpacks in the Casa de España restaurant, the Hotel Farah, the Jewish Alliance of Casablanca, and sites near the Belgian consulate and an old Jewish cemetery. The attacks, which were later claimed by al-Qaeda, were the deadliest terrorist attacks in Morocco's history, claiming the lives of forty-five people (33 victims and 12 suicide bombers) and injuring at least 100. Despite deliberately targeting Jews, none of the victims were Jews as the attack occurred during Shabbat.
Out of the initial commando of fifteen, three abandoned their plans on the spot and were later arrested. The attacks came in a rise in radical preachers critical of the Moroccan government, which they had viewed as infidels; many of the preachers were veterans of the Soviet-Afghan war.
The interrogation of the surviving suicide bombers led to the terrorist cell's ringleader, Abdelhak Bentassir, who had demanded that members of the cell make an oath of allegiance towards him after following a radical preacher. Bentassir later died in police custody in unclear circumstances. Authorities led a judicial purge of Islamists in the country, with indictments filed against 2,112 extremists leading to 903 convictions and 12 death sentences.
In the immediate aftermath of the attacks, a tough counter-terrorism bill was signed which was compared to the Patriot Act. The attacks shined light on the state of shanty towns in the country, with a government initiative fighting against slums being announced the following year. The slums of Sidi Moumen were fully demolished after a series of attacks in 2007.
Background and planning
Radical Islam in Morocco
Throughout modern Moroccan history, radical Islamist violence has been relatively unprecedented. There have been rare exceptions such as the 1975 assassination of Omar Benjelloun by loyalists to Islamist guru Abdelkrim Motiî. Despite this, radical Islamists were largely forced to be peaceful following the assassination due to crackdowns on groups such as Shabiba Islamiya under King Hassan II's Years of Lead.
The Soviet-Afghan war provided an opportunity for radical Islamists in Morocco to participate in what they perceived as holy war, with seventy Moroccans having fought for the Afghan Mujahideen according to the Directorate for Territorial Surveillance (DST). This included future members of Salafia Jihadia.
In 1996 and amidst the Algerian civil war, Osama bin Laden tasked Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi to create a federation of jihadist movements loyal to al-Qaeda in the Maghreb which culminated in the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG). The group's founding members were al-Libi's lieutenants, which mainly consisted of Moroccan diaspora such as Mohammed El Guerbouzi in the United Kingdom.
In a bid to expand to Morocco, the LIFG created the Moroccan Islamic Movement (HASM) and published two issues of a fanzine titled Sada al-Maghrib (lit. 'echo of Morocco') which was distributed in Denmark, Italy, and Belgium. In 1997, the HASM turned into Moroccan Islamic Combatant Group (GICM) and published nine press releases in al-Ansar, the media branch of the Armed Islamic Group of Algeria (GIA). A year later, al-Libi sent a Libyan representative to Morocco to see if Moroccan society was "ready".
In 1994, four French citizens loyal to Shabiba Islamiya attacked the Atlas-Asni hotel in Marrakesh, killing two Spanish tourists. Moroccan authorities blamed the attacks on the Algerian Department of Intelligence and Security (DRS), leading to Morocco closing its borders with Algeria. The mastermind of the attacks, Abdellilah Ziyad, had been living in France illegally at the time, and was sentenced to eight years in prison for his role by a French court in 1997. In 2021, Ziyad was deported by France in 2021 to face charges in Morocco.
In early 2001, after the representative's departure, Osama bin Laden ordered al-Libi to transfer all remaining high-ranking Moroccan members of the LIFG to the GICM as the GICM was al-Qaeda's official relay in Morocco. A training camp for the GICM was opened in Bagram as well as a guest house for GICM members in Kabul ran by Saâd Houssaïni. Following the Battle of Tora Bora in the immediate aftermath of September 11 attacks, most members of the GICM in Afghanistan returned to Morocco, including future radical preachers who would have an ideological impact on the Casablanca attackers. Members of the GICM who had returned from Afghanistan were dubbed as "the Afghans" by the DST.
In May 2002, the DST arrested three Saudi members of al-Qaeda, Zouhair Hilal Mohamed al-Tubaiti, Hilal Jaber Awad al-Assiri, and Abdullah Musafer Ali al-Ghamdi. They had planned to attack ships belonging to the British Naval in the strait of Gibraltar and had been in contact with Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri, the mastermind of the USS Cole bombing. They were sentenced to ten years in prison in February 2003.
Salafia Jihadia and as-Sirat al-Mustaqim
The exodus of Moroccan veterans from Afghanistan led to a wave of radical preachers in the country, who mainly gave classes regarding jihad and wrote books about the supposed "godless" nature of the Moroccan state and how fighting would be lawful under Islamic law. In some cases, the preachers made small booklets for followers with a primary level of education. Some followers, inspired by these classes, declared themselves "emirs" and garnered a small following willing to pledge allegiance to them.
One of the only preachers who had also proclaimed themselves as a "spiritual guide" was Zakaria Miloudi, who led a subsect of Takfir wal-Hijra named as-Sirat al-Mustaqim (lit. 'the straight path'). In February 2002, drug dealer Fouad Kerdoudi was stoned to death in Sidi Moumen by as-Sirat al-Mustaqim after Miloudi issued a fatwa advocating for his murder. Miloudi was arrested a month later and sentenced to a year in prison. During a police raid, documents were found showing that Miloudi was planning to set up urban guerrilla centers in Casablanca modeled after the focos.
In the late 1990s, a follower of a radical preacher named Youssef Fikri, known in the media as "the emir of blood", proclaimed himself as an "emir" and started an offshoot of as-Sirat al-Mustaqim. Fikri's group, known as Jamaât as-Sirat al-Mustaqim (lit. 'party of the straight path'), were named by the authorities under the umbrella title of Salafia Jihadia. Fikri, alongside around thirty co-conspirators, oversaw a killing spree of six murders and 154 assaults throughout the country, mainly against prostitutes. Fikri's second-in-command, Mohamed Damir, was a prominent figure in the neighborhood and was seen as a social leader.
Salafia Jihadia also perpetrated carjackings and robberies, robbing an electric utility office in 2001 as well as burglaries of villas in Ain Diab. Fikri justified his crime spree as a "moral campaign where debauchery and prostitution were flourishing" and that his actions were initially "carried out peacefully with success", he claimed that he only began his crime spree once his "actions were so successful that the police started hunting us down".
In 1997, Fikri's Salafia Jihadia group murdered a Moroccan Jew in Casablanca. In October 1998, Fikri murdered his uncle, Abdelaziz Fikri, in Youssoufia for having allegedly cheated on his wife. Fikri continued assaulting civilians in Casablanca. In 1999, Fikri was informed of a homosexual in Youssoufia who was entertaining a relationship with an employee of the OCP. Fikri and three members of the group visited the alleged homosexual's apartment where they encountered Omar Ferrag in a bath robe, and stabbed him to death. After his arrest, Fikri claimed that Ferrag was killed as he was a "prominent homosexual" and that the group were forced to murder him because he "could not be reasoned with".
In 1999, two members of Salafia Jihadia and friends of Fikri murdered their roommate, identified by authorities with his first name of Mohamed, in Nador. Fikri was reportedly motivated by Mohamed's "Marxist tendencies" and his alleged blasphemy. On September 10, 2001, three members of Salafia Jihadia encountered notary Abdelaziz Assadi alongside three women in Nador. The group pretended to be policemen before Assadi pretended to be the King's prosecutor, upon learning of this, they held Assadi and the three women hostage before murdering Assadi and dumping his body in a well.
Fikri was arrested in Nador in January 2002. He admitted to all six murders as well as the assaults, and his confessions led to arrest warrants being issued against five Moroccans who had fought in Afghanistan. In October 2002, an arrest warrant was served against Mohamed Damir in Hay Mohammadi when Rabiî Aït Ouzzou, Damir's brother-in-law, plunged a sword in a police officer before being shot nine times and dying of his injuries. Damir was shot eight times during his arrest and survived. Upon learning of Fikri's cell, then-Director of Territorial Surveillance Hamidou Laânigri reportedly declared that "Salafia Jihadia is our GIA".
Planning
According to the authorities, the suicide bombers were loyal to a group named Salafia Jihadia. All of the suicide bombers came from the slums of Sidi Moumen, including the first suicide bomber to be radicalized, 24-year-old night guard Mohamed Omari. He was a member of the largely pacifist and apolitical Tablighi Jamaat movement. In 1996, Omari met radical preacher Zakaria Miloudi and joined as-Sirat al-Mustaqim after attending his lectures. Miloudi held lectures where he notably called every Moroccan with a birth certificate or identity card apostates. Miloudi once described Parliament as a "gathering of apostates and atheists". Miloudi and Omari later had a falling out after Omari embezzled funds collected for the construction of a mosque.
Omari frequented local mosques in Sidi Moumen, with footage of Osama bin Laden and Palestinian suicide bombers regularly shown on Al Jazeera appealing to the slum's youth. It was in those mosques that Omari met many of the future suicide bombers, forming a terror cell that included Yassine Lahnech. Lachnech set up a network of 96 suicide bombers to carry out attacks for a 'sequel' of May 16 in Tangier (described in his notes as "the Mecca of druglords"), Essaouira ("the capital of Jews"), Marrakesh ("modern Sodom and Gomorrah"), Agadir ("the den of degenerates from the Gulf").
The terror cell held regular meetings at Sidi Moumen, where they held collective prayers, listened to cassettes and watched videos of the Second Chechen War and calls for jihad. These meetings were held at the homes of 21-year-old Mahjoub Grimet and 28-year-old Abdelfattah Boulikdane. Boulikdane proclaimed himself as the cell's spiritual leader, leading prayer and supplying the group with books. According to an indictment, 25-year-old Hassan Taoussi attacked people and robbed them of their money to finance the aspiring terror cell.
In March 2003, Boulikdane met 30-year-old shoemaker Abdelhak Bentassir, known as "Moul Sebbat" (lit. 'the shoe man'), at a market in Hay Mohammadi. Boulikdane was captivated by Bentassir's radicalism, praising him to the group as a "true mujahideen" and admiring him as he made "a good living" being a shoemaker in Fez, unlike the rest of the largely-unemployed group. Bentassir later became the leader of the terror cell, proclaiming himself as the "national emir" and organized a ceremony where six suicide bombers sat cross-legged around him and pledged allegiance by proclaiming "to swear allegiance to [Bentassir] for death on God's path". At the end of the ceremony, Bentassir ordered the group to find other volunteers in the mosques of Sidi Moumen to pledge allegiance to him.
Investigators believe that Bentassir was "the only link" between the masterminds of Salafia Jihadia and the suicide bombers. He regularly visited future terrorists and gave them lessons in terrorism. Boulikdane sent two aspiring suicide bombers, 22-year-old Adil Taïa and 27-year-old Mohamed M'hanni, to find bomb-making instructions in a cybercafé. The text, in English, couldn't be understood by the group who gave it to Bentassir. Bentassir consulted "higher-ups" regarding the document, believed by investigators to be Saâd Houssaïni and GICM founder Karim El Mejjati, both were veteran bomb-makers during the War in Afghanistan. Another member of the cell, 22-year-old Mohamed Hassouna was also tasked with downloading bomb-making instructions from the Internet and translated them to Arabic from English.
Houssaïni is believed to have given a detailed instruction manual to Bentassir, who gave it to Boulikdane. Boulikdane was in charge of making the explosives with Omari, with Boulikdane obtaining gunpowder while Omari provided lab equipment. The manual given to Bentassir lacks information on making a long-distance fuze, despite El Mejjati and Houssaïni knowing how to detonate a charge remotely. Investigators theorize that this was purposefully omitted by El Mejjati and Houssaïni, who "wanted a kamikaze operation, spectacular and absolutely horrific to mark the spirit".