The Tabriz Uprising or Siege of the Constitutionalists in Tabriz — refers to the battles that took place in the city of Tabriz and the province of Azerbaijan between the constitutionalist forces and Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar. This conflict began following the period known as the "Minor Tyranny" and the bombardment of the Iranian National Assembly, and ultimately contributed, albeit indirectly, to the capture of Tehran and the dethronement of Mohammad Ali Shah.
After the Majles was shelled on 23 June 1908, constitutionalist forces in Tehran and several other cities were defeated, fled, or imprisoned. However, the constitutionalists in Tabriz resisted the Shah’s supporters and successfully forced them to retreat. Their resistance reignited hope and enthusiasm among constitutionalist factions in other parts of the country.
In Tabriz, the constitutionalists were organized through bodies such as the National Association of Azerbaijan and the Secret Center, and they maintained ties with social-democratic circles in the Caucasus. As a result, they were aware of the necessity of arming themselves and undergoing military training. By the time the conflict began, the Tabriz constitutionalists had already made preparations. In the early days, the royalist forces achieved several successes and managed to occupy large parts of the city. However, the resistance mounted by the mujahideen in the Amirkhiz district of Tabriz under the leadership of Sattar Khan led to the defeat of the forces commanded by Rahim Khan Chalabianlu.
In response, opponents of the constitutional movement formed an organization in Tabriz called the Islamic Council, whose primary objective was to portray the constitutionalists as enemies of religion in the eyes of the public. Despite this, by August–September 1908, the constitutionalist forces managed to regain full control of Tabriz.
In an effort to suppress the movement, Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar dispatched new forces under the command of Abdol Majid Mirza Qavanlu-Qajar, who placed the city under siege. Abdol Majid Mirza blocked the entry of food and essential supplies into Tabriz, causing severe famine and hardship among both civilians and the constitutionalist fighters. Russia, citing the protection of its nationals, entered Iranian territory and—with the consent of the constitutionalists—entered the city. Although the Russians initially maintained friendly relations with the constitutionalists, they soon began to pressure and persecute them, making it clear that they had no intention of withdrawing from Tabriz.
As a result, some of the constitutionalist forces in the city were scattered, while others fled or joined fellow constitutionalists in the campaign to capture Tehran.
These events have been reflected in various artistic and cultural works. In 1972, Iranian filmmaker Ali Hatami directed a film titled Sattar Khan based on these developments. Today, the busts of key military and political figures involved in the Tabriz events are displayed in the Tabriz Constitution House Museum.
Background
In Tabriz
During the Qajar era, Azerbaijan was considered the most important province after the imperial capital. From the reign of Fath-Ali Shah up until the Constitutional Revolution, the province was typically assigned to the crown prince. For this reason, its capital, Tabriz, was often referred to as the Dar al-Saltanah (Abode of the Kingdom). Tabriz was the second-largest city in the country by population.. According to Bharier, the population was around 200,000, while Barthold estimated it at 240,000. These residents lived across the city’s 16 main districts, each of which tended to be populated by specific social groups. For instance, the Sheshgelan district was largely inhabited by aristocrats; Khiyavan and Nobar were mostly home to merchants; while Qara Agach and Leylabad were primarily settled by artisans. Although the Davachi district was generally populated by low-income residents, some wealthy merchants also lived there. Tabriz held great economic significance and had access to global markets through its extensive commercial ties with the Ottoman and Russian Empires. On the eve of the Constitutional Revolution, 15 percent of Iran’s exports and 25 percent of its imports passed through this city. Some Tabrizi merchants, through their frequent travels to the Ottoman and Russian empires, became familiar with modernity, and a few of them engaged in intellectual activity. They eventually began to demand a political system based on the rule of law and a constitution (i.e., constitutionalism). Consequently, two opposing strata—the monarchists and the constitutionalists—emerged in Tabriz. Among the constitutionalist ranks were certain clerics, including Hassan Taqizadeh, as well as teachers and merchants.
Tabriz was connected to Tehran by two telegraph lines—one state-owned and the other operated by an Anglo-Indian-European company. Thanks to this, Tabriz was able to receive news from the capital quickly. Additionally, the first modern school in Iran was established in Tabriz, and after Tehran, the first journal was also published there.
On the eve of the Constitutional Revolution, many people from Iran—particularly from the province of Azerbaijan—had migrated to the Caucasus for work. A considerable number of these migrants were influenced by the 1905 Russian Revolution and began to lean toward radical ideologies. As a result, social-democratic tendencies became highly popular in Iranian Azerbaijan. It was these forces who later formed the Ijtima'iyun-i Amiyun (Social Democrats) and the National Association of Azerbaijan. According to Ismail Amirkhizi, one of the earliest members of the Ijtima'iyun-i Amiyun party, the party was founded in 1906, around the same time that the constitutional decree was issued. The founders of its Tabriz branch included individuals such as Mohammad Ali Tarbiat, Ali Monsieur, Hajji Ali Davachi, Yusif Khazdoz, and Hasan Sharifzadeh. They established a special governing body to direct the organization’s activities, known as the Secret Center. Due to the covert nature of its operations, which continued until the end of 1909, little is known about the full scope of the party’s activities. However, it is believed that the organization maintained close ties with the social-democratic centers in Baku.
As crown prince, Mohammad Ali Mirza ruled over Tabriz with an iron hand. The threat of punishment became a widespread fear among the people, who felt they could not speak freely even in their own homes. Mohammad Ali Mirza paid particular attention to religious obligations, organizing Ashura ceremonies and sponsoring the publication of numerous religious and prayer texts. During the Constitutional Revolution, he attempted to prevent the unrest in Tehran from spreading to the province of Azerbaijan. While political turmoil plagued the capital, Tabriz and the surrounding region remained largely calm. The first public action taken by the constitutionalists in Tabriz occurred in late summer 1906, during the selection of representatives for the National Assembly. At that time, the electoral regulations had not yet been sent to Tabriz. The city’s secret societies called on people to stage a sit-in at the British consulate, and many responded positively to this invitation. In September, Mozaffar ad-Din Shah Qajar granted permission for elections to be held in Azerbaijan. The constitutionalists who had gathered within the Secret Center established an organization to oversee the elections, known as the National Association of Azerbaijan. The Council’s activities continued even after the elections had concluded.
In December 1906, when Mozaffar al-Din Shah Qajar fell ill, the crown prince, Mohammad Ali Mirza, was summoned from Tabriz to Tehran. The National Association of Azerbaijan used this opportunity to form armed groups and provide them with training. These groups later became known as the Constitutional Mujahideen. The power vacuum resulting from the political transition in Azerbaijan led to deteriorating security and worsening economic conditions in the province. The Mujahideen responded by forcing hoarders to sell their stored grain to the public and by imposing price controls to prevent inflation. These actions led to a surge in public support and a growing number of volunteers. Public speakers in the city encouraged people to join these groups in their sermons and speeches.
Initially, the Mujahideen consisted mostly of tradesmen and small-scale merchants. Over time, however, they began to attract individuals from other social classes, including the luti. The luti and Mujahideen shared certain characteristics: a search for justice, defense of the oppressed, and a general fearlessness in the face of confrontation. However, the luti were also associated with lawlessness and a lack of discipline. Sattar Khan was one such luti who later joined the Mujahideen. Another contingent of Mujahideen included Tabrizis who had previously joined the Ijtima'iyun (Socialist) Party in Baku. According to Taqizadeh, these fighters were known as the “Caucasian Mujahideen” because of the Caucasian-style uniforms they wore. The Caucasian Mujahideen recruited their own members and trained them independently, asserting their autonomy from the Secret Center. Their close ties to the socialist centers in Baku eventually led the Secret Center to grow suspicious of them.
Among the various Mujahideen factions in Tabriz, there was also a conservative armed group led by Mir Hashem Tabrizi. He viewed both the Secret Center and the Caucasian Mujahideen with equal skepticism, believing that both were under foreign influence. Over time, tensions between these armed groups intensified, occasionally erupting into open conflict.
In November and December 1907, Mohammad Ali Shah began his initial efforts to dissolve the Majles. Although the constitutionalists appeared to successfully thwart his attempts, and although he seemed to retreat from his demands, he continued secretly preparing for the assembly’s dissolution. During this period, Azerbaijan became one of the centers of anti-constitutional activity. Reactionary forces there promoted ideological and regional divisions and conducted propaganda campaigns against the constitutionalists. As a result, divisions among the constitutionalist armed groups became more pronounced. One of the most significant clashes occurred on January 17, 1908, between the Mujahideen of the Khiyavan district, led by Mir Hashem Tabrizi and Baqir Khan, and those of the Sahrob district, commanded by Tufangchi. The fighting lasted two weeks and resulted in twenty people being killed or wounded. Although the National Association of Azerbaijan mediated an end to the conflict, constitutionalist leaders across all districts began mobilizing forces in preparation for future battles.
On the 5th of Esfand 1286 (late February 1908), anti-constitutionalist forces established the Islamic Council. One of the Council’s primary activities was to portray the constitutionalists as irreligious through extensive propaganda. This campaign had a strong impact on public opinion and further intensified the political atmosphere in Tabriz.
In Tehran
In Tehran, following the prolonged tensions between the Shah and the Majles during 1907–1908, Mohammad Ali Shah left the capital on May 25, 1908, and moved to the Shah Garden (Shahbagh). Five days later, he issued a telegram from there, which was circulated across the country, accusing the constitutionalists of causing instability in the Iranian nation and state.
The news of the Shah’s actions in Tehran soon reached Tabriz and triggered unrest. The National Association of Azerbaijan endorsed a plan to depose Mohammad Ali Shah, which was supported by the constitutionalist factions of the city. Some of the mujahideen proposed sending selected individuals to Tehran to assist the cause. On June 17, 1908, a contingent of 300 mujahideen was prepared to be dispatched to Tehran. They set up camp in the village of Basmenj, near Tabriz, and awaited reinforcements. The commander of this group was Rashid al-Mulk, an ally of Mir Hashem Tabrizi, though he remained loyal to the Shah. The contingent also included prominent figures such as Sattar Khan and Baqir Khan, each commanding a group of fifty men.
On June 19, Hasan Mujtahid Tabrizi declared that the constitution contradicted Islamic law and praised the Shah’s recent actions in a telegram sent directly to him. Anti-constitutional elements in Tabriz intensified their activities from June 20 onward, gathering under the newly formed Islamic Anjoman. Local tribal leaders, including Shukrullah Khan Marandi, Sam Khan of the Haji Alilu clan, Zargam al-Nizam, and Haji Faramarz Khan, joined forces with them along with their armed followers. Consequently, several thousand riflemen assembled in the Davachi district of Tabriz, preparing for armed conflict with the constitutionalists. In response, the constitutionalists reaffirmed their resolve to resist and recalled their forces from Basmenj.
Once Mohammad Ali Shah had consolidated his power, he entrusted the task of crushing parliamentary resistance to Colonel Vladimir Liakhov, commander of the Persian Cossack Brigade. On June 23, 1908, the Majles was bombarded with artillery fire. After sustaining significant casualties, the constitutionalists were defeated. Many individuals looted the parliament building, party offices, and the homes of constitutionalist leaders. Following this victory, Mohammad Ali Shah declared the dissolution of the Majles and proclaimed a state of emergency. Liakhov was appointed military governor of Tehran, and 39 individuals were arrested. Among the casualties was Mirza Ebrahim Tabrizi, the parliamentary representative from Tabriz, who died while actively resisting the government forces during the street clashes.
Upon hearing the news from Tehran, armed opponents of the constitutional movement launched attacks on the constitutionalists’ positions. Despite the rapid defeat of constitutionalist forces in Tehran, resistance in Tabriz began on June 23 and would continue for several months.
After the shelling of the Majles, hope for constitutionalism began to fade across the country. Historian Abbas Amanat Acudani describes the situation as follows:
Those who truly desired freedom retreated into corners, holding their breath. Everyone believed that the word ‘constitutionalism’ would never again be heard in Iran—until the news of Tabriz’s resistance slowly began to spread…