The 1962 Burmese coup d'état marked the beginning of one-party rule in Burma (Myanmar) and the political dominance of the military in Burmese politics. In the 2 March 1962 coup, the military replaced the civilian AFPFL-government headed by Prime Minister U Nu with the Union Revolutionary Council Chaired by General Ne Win.
In the first 12 years following the coup, the country was ruled under martial law, and saw a significant expansion in the military's role in the national economy, politics, and state bureaucracy. Following the constitution of 1974, the Revolutionary Council handed over the power to the elected government, consisting of a single-party, the Burma Socialist Programme Party, which had been founded by the council in 1962. The elected government remained hybrid between civilian and military, until 18 September 1988, when the military again took over as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (then renamed the State Peace and Development Council) following the nationwide 8888 Uprising and virtual breakdown of the socialist regime. The military junta retained power for 23 years until 2011, when it was transferred to the Union Solidarity and Development Party.
Background
After the end of the Second World War and Burma's independence in 1948, Burma became a democratic socialist country and joined the Non-Aligned Movement. The elected Prime Minister U Nu appointed Ne Win as Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, on 1 February 1949, and was given total control of the army, replacing General Smith Dun, an ethnic Karen.
However, the degraded economy and social disorder placed emphasis on the military. In October 1958, when instability in society rose to a level approaching a national security crisis, the civilian government and Prime Minister U Nu asked the military and Ne Win to step in as a temporary caretaker government. Once the political order had been restored, the caretaker government was expected to execute general elections and restore civilian rule.
Public support for the army was strengthened after the army facilitated the 1960 elections and acknowledged the authority of the elected civil government Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL), led by U Nu.
Yet the general public continued to perceive the elected government as corrupt, inept at ruling the country, and unable to restore law and order in a Burmese society characterised by ever-increasing crime rates. The military continued to be perceived as crucial to ensuring social stability, which was a high priority among the Burmese people following years of colonialism and World War II.
Coup d'état
Less than two years after the caretaker government had handed power back to the AFPFL-government, on 2 March 1962, Ne Win again seized power in a military-staged coup d'état. Before the coup, Samaduwa Sinhwanaung, Chief Minister of Kachin State and close ally with Prime Minister U Nu, was designated as president for next 5 years by Union Parliament on 28 February 1962. However he did not take office because of the coup. Ne Win became head of state as Chairman of the Union Revolutionary Council and also Prime Minister. He arrested U Nu, Sao Shwe Thaik, and several others, and declared a socialist state run by a "Revolutionary Council" of senior military officers. Sao Shwe Thaik's son, Sao Mye Thaik, who was 17 at the time, was shot dead in what was generally described as a "bloodless" coup by the world's media. Thibaw Sawbwa Sao Kya Seng also disappeared mysteriously after being stopped at a checkpoint near Taunggyi.
Following riots at Rangoon University in July 1962, troops were sent to restore order. They fired on protesters and destroyed the student union building. Shortly afterward, Ne Win addressed the nation in a five-minute radio speech which concluded with the statement: "If these disturbances were made to challenge us, I have to declare that we will fight sword with sword and spear with spear." On 13 July 1962, less than a week after the speech, Ne Win left for Austria, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom "for a medical check up".
All universities were closed for more than two years until September 1964.
In 1988, 26 years later, Ne Win denied any involvement in the dynamiting of the Student Union building, stating that his deputy Brigadier Aung Gyi, who he had fallen out with and dismissed by that time, had given the order to dynamite the building. Ne Win further stated that he himself, as a "revolutionary leader", had to take responsibility for the incident by giving the "sword with sword and spear with spear" speech.
Strategy
Due to the AFPFL-government's weak position in society, the coup was not unexpected, and Ne Win had been urged to seize power by members of the army. Several foreign governments considered the military takeover a logical, if not positive, development.
The coup was executed with the arrest of Prime Minister U Nu, five other cabinet members, the Chief of Justice, and around thirty politicians and former leaders from the states of Shan and Kayah. Only one person was killed, the son of general Sao Shwe Thaik, which is why the coup has been described as bloodless.
The descriptions of the coup vary in the scholarly literature, when it comes to how militarily coordinated the coup was. According to historian Robert H. Taylor, Ne Win assumed power in secrecy, without the knowledge of even the deputy commander of the armed forced, Brigadier General Aung Gyi. Just 28 officers were involved in the operation, and only Ne Win knew the date of the coup.
In contrast, historian Mary P. Callahan describes the coup as a highly coordinated military accomplishment that "deployed troops and tanks in an overt seizure of power." Whereas Taylor ascribes greater influence to Ne Win as an individual in staging the coup, Callahan mentions Ne Win as one amongst a number of agents, including field commanders, tank commanders, and administrative personnel, who were involved in the coup. In fact, Callahan argues that the coup illustrated that the military acted as a united, bureaucratised entity, and that it might be this unity that explains the durability of the authoritarian rule that followed.
Causes for the coup
There have been various explanations to why the military, headed by Ne Win, staged the military coup less than two years after acknowledging the authority of the civilian government.
A reason, which is highlighted by multiple historians, is that the coup was a response to a growing fear within the army that the Union of Burma was drifting towards disintegration under the AFPFL-Government.
This explanation resonates with the one given by the army in the official press release following the coup. By 1962 the integrity of the country was seen as threatened by the two minorities, the Shan and Kayah, who were claiming their right, given by the 1947 constitution, to withdraw from the Union. On top of this the Shan leaders were beginning to form an armed opposition against Yangon to claim Shan "national determination". The army and Ne Win saw it as their responsibility to protect the cohesion of the Union and in the official press release the coup was presented as a necessity due to the policies of the AFPFL-government. Especially problematic was U Nu's attempt to make Buddhism the state religion, since it contributed to the Christian minorities' motivation to fight for autonomy.
Furthermore, the army believed that the federal system and parliament-style government was inherently weak and encouraged local autonomy. The multiple voices represented in parliament were seen as evoking instability and enhancing ethnic differences that would bring down the Union. The army thus argued that there was a need for a strong central government to secure the integration of the nation.
Additionally, the military rule justified the abolition of the political system by saying that multi-party democracy served the wealthy in society in being open to politicians representing capitalists and landlords. This critique of the political system served both as a reason for conducting the coup but also as a justification of the state structures and policies that were implemented in the subsequent years.
The increased autonomy in peripheral areas was also seen as problematic in terms of external threats. The army believed that if the areas got too independent they would attract foreign powers – a risk that seemed great with the Cold War context of 1962. In 1962 it was clear that the United States had a great interest in Asian countries bordering communist powers, which meant that Burma was a possible subject of interest with the country's borders to China.
If the union dissolved and the Shan and Kayah States claimed autonomy it meant that the states could pursue independent foreign policy and engage in alliances with powerful states like the United States. Due to the international security status an alliance like this would create a significant security threat to the rest of the country, with an increased risk of a conflict between the United States and China on Burmese territory.
Furthermore, the regional context served as argument to prevent the union from dissolving. The instability of divided Vietnam and Laos underlined the need to retain central control with the frontier states. In this scenario of external threats and an internal threat of disintegration, the civilian government was perceived as inadequate to protect the country.
Additionally, personal rivalry in the government damaged the cohesion and the power of the already weak AFPFL. In turn, Ne Win and the army feared that a split in the party would induce further instability. This fear was enhanced when U Nu announced that he would not run for office in the following election, which in turn increased the incentive to stage the coup.
Historians differ when it comes to the importance of Ne Win as an individual leader in explaining why the coup was established and successfully executed. Aung Thwin & Aung Thwin argue that Ne Win possessed political legitimacy founded in Burmese culture and history, which enabled him to seize power in the 1962 coup. Ne Win's political credentials were based on his fighting for the country in the 1940s and the fact that he served as a trusted lieutenant to Aung San, who was considered to be a national hero.
In contrast Callahan argues that neither the specific character of Ne Win nor the threat of disintegration were the decisive causes for the staging of the coup, since these factors were present throughout the 1950s, without them leading to an army intervention. Instead Callahan suggests that the coup was a result of inter-elite conflicts over the state structures, and who possessed the legitimate claim on the state. Long-term structural development led to shifting fortunes of the military and political elites, which created: "... winners and losers, rulers and ruled, citizens and enemies."
By the time of the coup in 1962 the state was structured in favour of the military, which had developed into a "bureaucratized, and central institution, capable of eliminating such challenges to its claims over state power."
The consolidation of the military was a result of lengthy periods of wars, as well as intra-military struggles, which led to a purge of army commanders who had tense relationships with Ne Win. In this way Callahan argues that Ne Win seized power at a time where there were no genuine obstacles due to the strong character of the military.
Political system
Revolutionary council
Immediately after the coup Ne Win and a number of senior military officers formed the Revolutionary Council, which consisted of sixteen senior military officers and Ne Win as the council's chairman. Furthermore, the Revolutionary Government Cabinet was established with eight senior military officers from the council. Ne Win also chaired this group. The aim of Revolution Council was to lead an anti-colonial revolution and reassert the state.
Revolutionary council replaced the AFPFL-government and the day after the establishing of the new governmental body, the council abolished fundamental state institutions established with the 1947 constitution. This included the two houses of the Hluttaw (the parliament), the central legislature and the regional councils – the channel of communication from the ethnic states to Yangon. The bureaucratic power embedded in these institutions was transferred to the Revolutionary Council and Ne Win.
The concentration of power in the hands of Ne Win continued on 5 March 1962 when he undertook all executive, legislate and judicial authority by virtue of being the Chairman of the Revolutionary Council. As head of both the Revolutionary Council and the Revolutionary Government Cabinet Taylor argues that: "... Ne Win in theory possessed all state power and thus achieved a position of formal dominance within the state unprecedented since 1885."
The Revolutionary Council's political dominance was further ensured by making all institutions that were not eliminated by law dependent on the council either through their personnel or through finances, which prevented them from organising any opposition.