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North African monarchy (1705–1881)
The Beylik of Tunis was the legal form of Tunisia, between 1705 and 1881. It was ruled by the Husainid dynasty until the establishment of the French protectorate of Tunisia. The term beylik refers to the monarch, who was called the Bey of Tunis. Under the protectorate, the latter remained nominally the head of state, with the Husainids remaining as largely symbolic sovereigns.
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The Beylik of Tunis (Arabic: بايلك تونس) was the legal form of Tunisia, between 1705 and 1881. It was ruled by the Husainid dynasty until the establishment of the French protectorate of Tunisia. The term beylik refers to the monarch, who was called the Bey of Tunis. Under the protectorate, the latter remained nominally the head of state, with the Husainids remaining as largely symbolic sovereigns.
The Beys remained faithful to the Sublime Porte, but reigned as monarchs after gradually gaining independence from the Ottoman Empire. Between 1861 and 1864, the Beylik of Tunis became a constitutional monarchy after adopting the first constitution in Africa and the Arab world. The country had its own currency and an independent army, and in 1831 it adopted its flag, which is still in use today.
The Husainid dynasty continued to rule Tunisia, even after the establishment of the French protectorate in 1881, and remained in existence until the republic was declared on 25 July 1957, one year after independence.
Following the Revolutions of Tunis which saw Ibrahim Sharif overthrow Muradids' power, the latter became the first bey to combine this function with that of Pasha. Taken to Algiers following a defeat against the Dey of Algiers, and unable to put an end to the troubles which agitated the country, he was a victim, on 10 July 1705 of a coup of Al-Husayn I ibn Ali, who took the name of Hussein I.
Hussein I reigned alone over Tunisia, establishing a real monarchy and became Possessor of the Kingdom of Tunis, disposing over all his subjects the right of high and low justice. His decrees and decisions had the force of law.
As Bey of Tunis he sought to be perceived as a popular Muslim interested in local issues and prosperity. He appointed as qadi a Tunisian Maliki jurist, instead of an Hanafi preferred by the Ottomans. He also restricted the legal prerogatives of the janissary and the Dey. Under Hussein I, support was provided to agriculture, especially planting olive orchards. Public works were undertaken, e.g., mosques and madrassa (schools). His popularity was demonstrated in 1715 when the kapudan-pasha of the Ottoman fleet sailed to Tunis with a new governor to replace him; instead Hussein I summoned council, composed of local civil and military leaders, who backed him against the Ottoman Empire, which then acquiesced.
In 1735, Ali I gained access to the throne by dethroning his uncle Hussein I who was killed by his great-nephew Younès in 1740.
In 1756, Ali I was in turn overthrown by the two sons of his predecessor who seized Tunis with the help of the governor of Constantine: Muhammad I Rashid (1756–1759) and Ali II (1759–1782).
Algerian attempts to overthrow the Beys did not end until 1807, with a victory for the Tunisians led by Hammouda I.
In the 19th century, the country underwent profound reforms, thanks to the reformist action of Kheireddine Pacha and his close advisers: the Minister of the Interior General Rustum, the Minister of Instruction General Hussein, the Minister Bin Diyaf and the ulama Mahmoud Kabadou, Salem Bouhageb and Mokhtar Chouikha.
These reforms included the abolition of slavery, the foundation of the military school of Bardo in 1840, the Sadiki College in 1875, and the adoption in 1861 of the first constitution of Africa and the Arab world, becoming a constitutional monarchy.
The financial crises in the country followed, with Mustapha Khaznadar as prime minister, which constituted an opportunity for European intervention in Tunisia. Thus, the Financial Commission, an international financial committee, was formed in 1869, under pressure from some European countries, in a circumstance in which the Tunisian financial crisis intensified and it became impossible for the state to pay its foreign debts, which at that time amounted to 125 million francs.
This committee was placed under the chairmanship of the reformed minister Kheireddine Pacha, and later devolved to Mustapha Ben Ismail, and it also included representatives of the creditor countries (Italy, England, and France). The Commission was one of the manifestations of foreign interference in the internal affairs of Tunisia by subjecting its finances to international control. The country's revenues were divided into two parts, one part allocated to the state's expenditures and the other to the payment of its debts. So the Bey was restricted, he could no longer grant any concession or conclude any loan agreement except with the approval of the Commission, which acted as a Tunisian Ministry of Finance. This facilitated the conclusion of a bilateral treaty between Tunisia and France in 1881 stipulating France's protection of Tunisia, and consequently, the French protectorate was established.
The Beylik of Tunis was a constitutional (1861–1864) and hereditary monarchy with legislative power being exercised by the monarch in conjunction with Supreme Council.
The Bey is considered the leader of the Husainid dynasty, the head of the state, the symbol of its unity, and the protector of its borders. He also exercises power through the government and the Supreme Council, as stipulated in Article 12 of the 1861 Constitution.
What distinguishes the system of government at that time, is that the monarch is responsible before Supreme Council in accordance with Article 11 of the Constitution, which is one of the first countries in the world to stipulate it.
Article 13 of the constitution affirmed that the Bey (monarch) is the supreme commander of the Tunisian armed forces, and Article 9 affirmed as well that the 1857 Fundamental Pact must be respected by him.
Although the constitution limited his powers, he had the ability to appoint members of the Supreme Council, in addition to the fact that laws are issued in his name.
The Bey must be the eldest of the Husainid dynasty. The second after him becomes Bey El Mahalla (Bey of the Camp), which was a title for the heir apparent to throne. The title came the style of Highness. The last person to carry this title was Prince Husain Bey, Bey al-Mahalla.
The prime minister of Tunisia during the era of the Beylik is the head of the government who was responsible for its affairs and was appointed and dismissed by the Bey. This office was created in 1759 with the beginning of the rule of Ali II and Rejeb Khaznadar was the first to take it, becoming the first prime minister in the history of Tunisia.
With its creation, this office was the preserve of the Mamluks of foreign origin who were brought to Tunisia at a young age in order to serve the Royal Family and the Makhzen, such as Mustapha Khaznadar, Kheireddine Pacha and others.
Mohammed Aziz Bouattour is considered the first indigenous Tunisian to hold the office in 1882; he is the longest-serving prime minister in the history of Tunisia with a period of nearly 25 years, and during his term, the French protectorate was established in Tunisia.
The Prime Minister of Tunisia had an important authority in the 19th century, as everything related to the Royal Family was kept in his office according to Article 2 of the Constitution.
The Prime Minister, based on Section 9 of the Constitution, prepares the budget presented to him by the Ministry of Finance and submits it to Parliament in accordance with Article 64.
The Tunisian parliament was called the Supreme Council (Arabic: المجلس الأكبر). It was an institution that was established during the reign of Muhammad III in a period characterized by the adoption of many reforms, including the declaration of the Fundamental Pact (1857), the Tunisian Journal (1860) and the adoption of the Constitution (1861).
According to Article 44 of this constitution, this council was composed of 60 members: 20 members were chosen among the senior officials and high-ranking officers of the state, and 40 chosen among the notables who do not receive remuneration. Among its members were Ahmad ibn Abi Diyaf and Giuseppe Raffo.
The functions of the Council were fixed in Chapter 7 of the Constitution. The most important of these functions were to legislate, revise, explain and interpret laws, approve taxes, monitor ministers, and discuss the budget. These functions confirmed the importance of the Supreme Council as an institution that was at the same time legislative, financial, judicial and administrative.
This council was abandoned in 1864 after the Mejba Revolt.
Husainid policy required a careful balance among several divergent parties: the distant Ottomans, the Turkish-speaking elite in Tunisia, and local Tunisians (both urban and rural, notables and clerics, landowners and remote tribal leaders). Entanglement with the Ottoman Empire was avoided; yet religious ties to the Caliph were fostered, which increased the prestige of the Beys and helped in winning approval of the local ulama and deference from the notables. Janissaries were still recruited, but increasing reliance was placed on tribal local forces. Turkish was spoken at the apex, but use of Tunisian Arabic increased in government use. Kouloughlis (children of mixed Turkish and Tunisian parentage) and native Tunisians notables were given increased admittance into higher positions and deliberations. The Husainid Beys, however, did not themselves intermarry with indigenous peoples; instead they often turned to the institution of mamluks for marriage partners. Mamluks also served in elite positions. The local ulama were courted, with funding for religious education and the clerics. Local jurists (Maliki) entered government service. Marabouts of the rural faithful were mollified. Tribal sheikhs were recognized and invited to conferences. Especially favored at the top were a handful of prominent families, Turkish-speaking, who were given business and land opportunities, as well as important posts in the government, depending on their loyalty to the Bey of Tunis.
The French Revolution and reactions to it negatively affected European economic activity leading to shortages which provided business opportunities for Tunisia, i.e., regarding goods in high demand but short in supply, the result might be handsome profits. The capable and well-regarded Hammouda Pasha (1782–1813) was Bey of Tunis (the fifth) during this period of prosperity; he also turned back an Algerian invasion in 1807, and quelled a janissary revolt in 1811.
After the Congress of Vienna in 1815, Britain and France secured the Bey's agreement to cease sponsoring or permitting corsair raids, which had resumed during the Napoleonic conflict. After a brief resumption of raids, it stopped. In the 1820s economic activity in Tunisia took a steep downturn. The Tunisian government was particularly affected due to its monopoly positions regarding many exports. Credit was obtained to weather the deficits, but eventually the debt would grow to unmanageable levels. Tunisia had sought to bring up to date its commerce and trade. Yet different foreign business interests began to increasingly exercised control over domestic markets; imports of European manufactures often changed consumer pricing which could impact harshly on the livelihood of Tunisian artisans, whose goods did not fare well in the new environment. Foreign trade proved to be a Trojan Horse.
Activities of maritime corsairs were important at that time because independence from the sultan led to the decline of its financial support and Tunisia therefore had to increase the number of its catches at sea in order to survive.
The Tunisian Navy reached its peak during the reign of Hammouda I (1782–1814), where ships, leaving from the ports of Bizerte, La Goulette, Porto Farina, Sousse, Sfax and Djerba, seized Spanish, Corsican, Neapolitan, Venetians, etc. The Tunisian government maintained during this period from 15 to 20 corsairs, the same number of them being attached to companies or individuals, among whom sometimes high-ranking figures such as the Keeper of the Seals Moustapha Khodja or the caïds of Bizerte, Sfax or Porto Farina, and give the government some of their catches, which include Christian slaves.
The peace treaties, which multiplied in the 18th century (with Austria in 1748 and 1784, Venice in 1764–1766 and 1792, Spain in 1791 and the United States in 1797) regulated the navy and limited its effects.
First of all, the treaties imposed requirements (possession of authorizations for ships and passports for people) and also identified the conditions for catches at sea (distance from the coast), so as to avoid possible abuses. The situation remained the same until the Congress of Vienna and the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle when European countries summoned Tunisia to put an end to this, which would be effective and definitive after the intervention of France in this question in 1836.
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