After President of Peru Pedro Castillo was ousted on 7 December 2022, a series of political protests against the government of President Dina Boluarte and the Congress of Peru occurred. The demonstrations lacked centralized leadership and originated primarily among grassroots movements and social organizations on the left to far-left, as well as indigenous communities, who felt politically disenfranchised. Castillo was removed from office and arrested after announcing the illegal dissolution of Congress, the intervention of the state apparatus, and the forced establishment of an "emergency government", which was characterized as a self-coup attempt by all government institutions, all professional institutions, and mainstream media in Peru (and by the international community in general). Castillo's supporters said that Congress attempted to overthrow Castillo.
Boluarte, along with Congress, had been widely disapproved of by voters, with the two receiving the lowest approval ratings among public offices in the Americas. Among the demonstrators' main demands were the dissolution of Congress, Boluarte's resignation, new general elections, Castillo's release, and the formation of a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution. It was also reported that some of the protesters declared an insurgency in Puno. Analysts, businesses, and voters said immediate elections were necessary to prevent future unrest, although many establishment political parties had little public support.
The Boluarte government called the protests a "threat to democracy" and announced a national state of emergency on 14 December, suspending some constitutional rights of citizens, including the right to prevent troops from staying in private homes and buildings, the right to freedom of movement, the right to freedom of assembly, and the right to "personal freedom and security" for 30 days. The Peruvian Armed Forces and National Police used severe force against the protesters, resulting in at least 60 deaths, over 600 injuries, over 380 arrests and two massacres, in Ayacucho and Juliaca. Extrajudicial executions use of torture and violence against detainees were also reported. The government denied that authorities acted violently and praised officers and troops for their actions.
Some right-wing groups and the Boluarte government used the terruqueo fear-mongering tactic to label some of the protesters as terrorists, a practice dating to the internal conflict in Peru that United Nations experts have condemned. United Nations Special Rapporteur Clément Nyaletsossi Voule said there was no evidence that terrorist groups were involved in the protests. Terruqueos by government officials provided impunity to authorities and increased the risk of violence. Human rights organizations criticized the response of the Boluarte government and authorities and the use of the Armed Forces in responding to the protests due to the history of troops killing protesters with impunity.
Multiple ministers resigned from Boluarte's cabinet during the protests, following acts of violence perpetrated by authorities. Since at least December 2022, opposition protesters had chanted the slogan "Dina asesina" ("Dina the murderer") and sung a song of the same name. The Attorney general of Peru, Patricia Benavides, announced investigations on 10 January 2023 for the alleged crimes of genocide, aggravated homicide, and serious injuries against Boluarte, Prime Minister Alberto Otárola, Interior minister Víctor Rojas, and Defence minister Jorge Chávez.
Coverage of the protests by the media in Peru was also criticized by most Peruvians, who believed media organizations were biased against them. The massacres that authorities perpetrated against the majority-indigenous populations in southern Peru were not covered by national media. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights condemned violent acts carried out by some demonstrators against media personnel. Violent far-right protesters, such as La Resistencia, also attacked investigative media outlets critical of the government. Pro-Castillo protesters tried to attack points such as Coronel FAP Alfredo Mendívil Duarte Airport, which led to clashes between civilians and the military.
Fujimorism ultimately consolidated governmental power into Congress with the assistance of the Constitutional Court of Peru. Most institutions, including all branches of government and the media, adopted authoritarian practices during the protests. The politicization of the armed forces raised concern about a developing military junta. Congress, with one-third of its members belonging to a far-right bloc, rejected all attempts at reform, including new elections, constitutional proposals, and motions to impeach Boluarte. On 9 March 2023, the state of emergency in Lima was lifted as protests waned, and the Supreme Court of Peru ruled on 18 May that protesting was illegal and not protected by the constitution. Calls for more protests in July were made after the controversial ruling.
After President of Peru Pedro Castillo was ousted on 7 December 2022, a series of political protests against the government of President Dina Boluarte and the Congress of Peru occurred. The demonstrations lacked centralized leadership and originated primarily among grassroots movements and social organizations on the left to far-left, as well as indigenous communities, who felt politically disenfranchised. Castillo was removed from office and arrested after announcing the illegal dissolution of Congress, the intervention of the state apparatus, and the forced establishment of an "emergency government", which was characterized as a self-coup attempt by all government institutions, all professional institutions, and mainstream media in Peru (and by the international community in general). Castillo's supporters said that Congress attempted to overthrow Castillo.
Boluarte, along with Congress, had been widely disapproved of by voters, with the two receiving the lowest approval ratings among public offices in the Americas. Among the demonstrators' main demands were the dissolution of Congress, Boluarte's resignation, new general elections, Castillo's release, and the formation of a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution. It was also reported that some of the protesters declared an insurgency in Puno. Analysts, businesses, and voters said immediate elections were necessary to prevent future unrest, although many establishment political parties had little public support.
The Boluarte government called the protests a "threat to democracy" and announced a national state of emergency on 14 December, suspending some constitutional rights of citizens, including the right to prevent troops from staying in private homes and buildings, the right to freedom of movement, the right to freedom of assembly, and the right to "personal freedom and security" for 30 days. The Peruvian Armed Forces and National Police used severe force against the protesters, resulting in at least 60 deaths, over 600 injuries, over 380 arrests and two massacres, in Ayacucho and Juliaca. Extrajudicial executions use of torture and violence against detainees were also reported. The government denied that authorities acted violently and praised officers and troops for their actions.
Some right-wing groups and the Boluarte government used the terruqueo fear-mongering tactic to label some of the protesters as terrorists, a practice dating to the internal conflict in Peru that United Nations experts have condemned. United Nations Special Rapporteur Clément Nyaletsossi Voule said there was no evidence that terrorist groups were involved in the protests. Terruqueos by government officials provided impunity to authorities and increased the risk of violence. Human rights organizations criticized the response of the Boluarte government and authorities and the use of the Armed Forces in responding to the protests due to the history of troops killing protesters with impunity.
Multiple ministers resigned from Boluarte's cabinet during the protests, following acts of violence perpetrated by authorities. Since at least December 2022, opposition protesters had chanted the slogan "Dina asesina" ("Dina the murderer") and sung a song of the same name. The Attorney general of Peru, Patricia Benavides, announced investigations on 10 January 2023 for the alleged crimes of genocide, aggravated homicide, and serious injuries against Boluarte, Prime Minister Alberto Otárola, Interior minister Víctor Rojas, and Defence minister Jorge Chávez.
Coverage of the protests by the media in Peru was also criticized by most Peruvians, who believed media organizations were biased against them. The massacres that authorities perpetrated against the majority-indigenous populations in southern Peru were not covered by national media. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights condemned violent acts carried out by some demonstrators against media personnel. Violent far-right protesters, such as La Resistencia, also attacked investigative media outlets critical of the government. Pro-Castillo protesters tried to attack points such as Coronel FAP Alfredo Mendívil Duarte Airport, which led to clashes between civilians and the military.
Fujimorism ultimately consolidated governmental power into Congress with the assistance of the Constitutional Court of Peru. Most institutions, including all branches of government and the media, adopted authoritarian practices during the protests. The politicization of the armed forces raised concern about a developing military junta. Congress, with one-third of its members belonging to a far-right bloc, rejected all attempts at reform, including new elections, constitutional proposals, and motions to impeach Boluarte. On 9 March 2023, the state of emergency in Lima was lifted as protests waned, and the Supreme Court of Peru ruled on 18 May that protesting was illegal and not protected by the constitution. Calls for more protests in July were made after the controversial ruling.
Background
Centralismo
Since the independence of Peru from the Spanish Empire, the economic elite in Lima engaged in a practice known as centralismo, which involved focusing their power on the coastal regions while the rural provinces were governed by existing serfdom practices by hacienda landowners. This practice has continued throughout Peru's history and has resulted with large levels of economic inequality, political alienation and other disparities in rural regions, with Lima acquiring the majority of socioeconomic benefits in the nation. Centralismo also contributed to systemic racism in Peru since the wealth and education centralized in Lima created a perception amongst Limeños that rural indigenous individuals were inferior.
As globalization intensified through the twentieth century, the gap between urban and rural areas increased, with larger cities increasing their ability to connect to the economy and increasing their wealth while smaller cities experienced resource and human capital flight towards the larger cities. Many Peruvians living in rural areas could not vote until 1979 when the constitution allowed illiterate individuals to vote. Despite this, between 1919 and 2021, eleven of eighteen democratically elected presidents of Peru were from Lima. Wealth generated between 1990 and 2020 was not equally distributed throughout the country. As a result, there were significant disparities in living standards between the more-developed capital city of Lima and similar coastal regions, while rural provinces remained impoverished. By the 2020s, the existing disparities in Peru caused a "globalization fatigue" according to Asensio, resulting in a polarization between rural and urban areas that saw differing priorities with lifestyle, economics and politics. This divide created by centralismo would be a contributing factor to the protests.
Obstructive Congress
During the presidencies of Ollanta Humala, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski and Martín Vizcarra, the right-wing Congress led by the daughter of the former Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori, Keiko Fujimori, obstructed many of the presidents' actions. The political legacy of the Fujimori family was assumed by Keiko after her father Alberto, who instituted Plan Verde and oversaw the Grupo Colina death squad during the internal conflict in Peru, was sentenced to prison for human rights abuses. During their majority in congress, Fujimorists "earned a reputation as hardline obstructionists for blocking initiatives popular with Peruvians aimed at curbing the nation’s rampant corruption" according to the Associated Press. According to Walter Albán, head of Transparency International Peru, Congress has been infiltrated by criminal groups that obstruct reforms to maintain their status and parliamentary immunity, while Human Rights Watch said that Congress was more focused on personal gain and vote trading instead of issues facing the nation.
President Humala would go on to serve a weak presidency due to the obstructionist practices of the Congress. After losing the 2016 presidential election to Kuczynski, Keiko Fujimori led her party Popular Force in the unicameral Congress, with the right-wing legislators obstructing efforts by President Kuczynski. After experiencing obstruction by Congress and various scandals, President Kuczynski resigned from the presidency. Martín Vizcarra, Kuczynski's first vice president, then assumed office in March 2018. Amid the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru, President Vizcarra was impeached in September 2020 and a month later removed from office. Thousands of citizens then protested against Vizcarra's impeachment.
President of Congress, Manuel Merino, faced criticism regarding how he hastily pushed for impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra, especially since he would assume the presidency upon Vizcarra's removal. Renowned reporter Gustavo Gorriti reported on 12 September 2020 that Merino had contacted the Commanding General of the Peruvian Navy, Fernando Cerdán, notifying him that he would attempt to impeach Vizcarra and assume the presidency. Minister of Defense Jorge Chávez confirmed that Merino had tried to establish support with the military. President Merino would resign after five days due to mass disapproval.
Francisco Sagasti was made President of Congress on 16 November and thus succeeded Merino as president on 17 November per the presidential line of succession, since both vice presidential positions were vacated by Vizcarra in 2018 and Mercedes Aráoz in May 2020.
Castillo presidency
The election will be flipped, dear friends.
Sagasti served as president until Castillo was elected in the 2021 general election, with Fujimori losing her third consecutive presidential bid. The 2021 election saw many right-wing candidates, with business groups, political parties and the majority of media organizations in Peru collaborating with Fujimori's campaign by appealing to fear when discussing political opponents. Some broadcast television channels openly supported Fujimori's candidacy as well. Reuters wrote that El Comercio, one of the largest media organizations in South America, "has generally backed Fujimori". Fujimori received support from Lima's elite, evangelical Christians, businesses, media organizations, and the armed forces. A large far-right bloc in Congress was also elected, comprising one-third of the legislature's seats.
In contrast, Castillo was supported by working class and indigenous Peruvians who were affected by centralismo, with Castillo receiving support in areas outside of Lima and other large cities. In May 2021, Americas Quarterly wrote: "Life expectancy in Huancavelica, for example, the region where Castillo received his highest share of the vote in the first round, is seven years shorter than in Lima. In Puno, where Castillo received over 47% of the vote, the infant mortality rate is almost three times that of Lima's." Then-professor of Public Policy Gonzalo Banda stated that although Castillo was accused of being linked to communist terrorism, "in places where terrorism caused the most bloodshed, Castillo won by a lot." Asensio writes that Castillo, being recognized as a "true Peruvian" by his supporters, was able to establish support by saying he would reverse the favoritism of Lima and defending regional rights.
Multiple attempts to prevent Castillo from the entering the office of the presidency or to later remove him occurred, beginning shortly after election results were determined. Following reports of Castillo's apparent victory, Fujimori and her supporters made claims of electoral fraud, leading obstructionist efforts to overturn the election with support of citizens in Lima. Many business groups and politicians refused to recognize Castillo's ascent to the presidency, with those among the more affluent, including former military officers and wealthy families, demanded new elections, promoted calls for a military coup, and used rhetoric to support their allegations of fraud. Far-right groups of former soldiers, including La Resistencia, also allied with political parties like Advance Country, Popular Force, and Popular Renewal in an effort to remove Castillo, with some veteran leaders seen directly with Rafael López Aliaga and Castillo's former presidential challenger Keiko Fujimori, who signed the Madrid Charter promoted by the Spanish radical right political party Vox. These groups directed threats towards Castillo government officials and journalists, whilst also calling for a coup d'état and insurgency.
During Castillo's presidency, Congress was dominated by right-wing parties opposed to him, with legislators attempting to impeach multiple times using political avenues. Due to broadly interpreted impeachment wording in the Constitution of Peru (1993), Congress can impeach the president on the vague grounds of "moral incapacity", effectively making the legislature more powerful than the executive branch. In February 2022, it was reported that Fujimorists and politicians close to Fujimori organized a meeting at the Casa Andina hotel in Lima with the assistance of the German liberal organization Friedrich Naumann Foundation, with those present including President of Congress Maricarmen Alva, at which plans to remove Castillo from office were discussed. Alva had already shared her readiness to assume the presidency if Castillo were to be vacated from the position and a leaked Telegram group chat of the board of directors of Congress that she heads revealed plans coordinated to oust Castillo.
By December 2022, Congress had begun motions to attempt the impeachment of Castillo for a third time; he was involved with six different criminal investigations and had already named five separate cabinets to serve under him.
Castillo attempts to dissolve Congress
Additional information needed
Before 7 December 2022, a march called "Toma de Lima" or "Taking of Lima" was called, originally a meeting in Plaza Bolognesi with the aim of closing the congress and expressing their support for Pedro Castillo. This march was organized by the National Assembly of the Peoples, an organization affiliated with the officials, whose meeting in November of that year was televised. The Agrarian and Rural Front of Peru confirmed their collaboration in the scheduled march.
On 7 December 2022, Congress was expected to file a motion of censure against Castillo, accusing him of "permanent moral incapacity". Before the legislative body could gather to file its motion, Castillo announced the dissolution of Congress and enacted an immediate curfew. Moments after Castillo's speech, multiple ministers resigned from his government, including Prime Minister Betssy Chávez. The Constitutional Court released a statement: "No one owes obedience to a usurping government and Mr. Pedro Castillo has made an ineffective coup d'état. The Armed Forces are empowered to restore the constitutional order." The Armed Forces also issued a statement rejecting Castillo's actions and calling for the maintenance of stability in Peru. Rejecting Castillo's actions to dissolve the legislative body, Congress gathered and voted to remove Castillo from office due to "moral incapacity" with 101 votes in favor, 6 against and 10 abstentions. It was announced that First Vice President Dina Boluarte, who rejected Castillo's actions, would take her oath of office for the presidency at 3:00 pm PET. Castillo's vice president Dina Boluarte entered the Legislative Palace shortly after 3:00 pm PET and appeared before Congress, where she was later sworn in as president of Peru.
In an IEP poll following Castillo's attempt to dissolve Congress, of respondents, 44% approved of Castillo's actions, 53% disapproved and 3% had no opinion or comment, with the majority of support for Castillo's actions being among rural and lower class Peruvians. For Castillo's supporters, Congress performed a coup against the president. In addition, they considered Dina Boluarte a "traitor", "dictator" and "usurper" after her subsequent assumption as the new president of the republic, based on the promise of the then vice president: "If the president is vacated I will go with the president". In this way, supporters of the former president encouraged the prompt release of Castillo and an advance of elections. The demonstrators agreed to the dissolution of the Congress of the Republic, a new constitution through a constituent assembly, the rejection of the then vice president Dina Boluarte and the support for the then president Pedro Castillo, whose objectives were achieved with the populist measures dictated by the then president in his message to the Nation on 7 December.
Mobilizations of leftist organizations related to Castillo were evidenced in Lima, Ayacucho, Cusco, Ica, Arequipa, Trujillo, Chiclayo, Huancavelica, Huancayo, Tacna, Jaén, Moquegua, Ilo, Puno, and Chota, where Castillo grew up.